Labels: bail out, bush, capitalist crisis, fred goldstein, globalization, low wage capitalism, obama, stimulus program, wall street

Today's Wall Street Journal reports that President Obama has placed limits on the salaries of executives at firms that are receiving large-scale bailout funds from the Federal government:

Under the new rules, companies that receive "exceptional assistance" from taxpayers may not pay any top executive more than $500,000 a year. Any additional compensation would have to be in restricted stock that will not vest until taxpayers have been repaid. (Wall Street Journal)

No one can object to limiting the salaries of bankers; but this announcement raises many questions.

First, while penalizing some bankers, who gets the money that they would have gotten? Shouldn't this money be turned over to a fund to help the millions facing foreclosure and unemployment.

Second, if the government can use Executive power to impose its will on private businesses, why stop there? Why not order them to stop foreclosures and plant closings? RealtyTrac currently lists 1.5 million foreclosed homes being held by banks in the U.S.

Third, why not demand that banks free up bailout money and other funds, to make them available in low-interest loans to workers, students, and families in desperate need of a real bailout. The whole justification of the TARP was to free up money to 'get the economy going again,' but banks are not lending money. They've even refused to disclose what they've done with the money that they've received. In front of Congress, the new Secretary of the Treasury Timothy Geitner has defended the banks' refusal to tell what they've done with $350 billion of taxpayers' money.

One thing that is known about what they did with some of the money, is that they made loans of $25.4 billion to finance the merger between pharmaceutical giant Pfizer and Wyeth.

According to the New York Times:

Pfizer’s bid is being financed by four banks that received federal bailout money: Goldman Sachs, JPMorgan Chase, Citigroup and Bank of America, the people involved in the deal said. Such banks have been criticized for not doing more lending since they received the government aid.

Barclays, which acquired Lehman Brothers out of bankruptcy in the fall, is also providing financing, these people said.

Fourth, while in Miami, more than 1,000 people lined up for 35 firefighting jobs, and the Los Angeles Times reports that U.S. companies announced 241,749 layoffs last month, it has come to light that U.S. financial institutions are sitting on $3.9 trillion, which is more than four times the amount of the projected stimulus package. This money is sitting in money market accounts, earning interest for wealthy investors. The Federal government should use the same authority that it used to limit executive pay to force these investors and institutions to make this money available to put people back to work and back in their homes.

Labels: bailout, Bank of America, Citigroup, executive pay, foreclosures, Goldman Sachs, JPMorgan Chase, Lehman Brothers, loans, merger, pfizer, stimulus program, tarp, wall street, wyeth

Labels: bailout, banks, fred goldstein, low wage capitalism, socialism, treasury department, wall street

The intensifying capitalist crisis, which is bringing greater and greater suffering daily, is leaving the workers and the oppressed with no alternative but to organize a fightback. The deadly waves of unemployment, foreclosures, homelessness, hunger and repression are spreading while the ruling-class politicians and experts debate over the terms of the so-called “stimulus package.”

With 533,000 jobs lost in December, official unemployment went up to a 16-year high of 7.2 percent. The annual job loss for 2008 was over 2.59 million, the highest since World War II. The rapid rate of layoffs has brought the official number of unemployed to 11.1 million workers.

Unemployment of Black men over the age of 20, which was already officially double-digit, jumped from 12.1 percent to 13.4 percent in December. For African-American youth from 16 to 19, the figures were a staggering 32.2 percent rising to 33.7 percent in the same month. White youth unemployment also rose to 18.7 percent.

The rarely published figure of “total unemployment” grew from 12.6 percent to 13.5 percent. Total unemployment includes those workers forced to take part-time work who need full-time jobs as well as workers who are known to have become so discouraged that they have stopped looking for work.

The average number of hours worked was down to 33.3 in December, the lowest since these records were first kept in 1964.

The most important aspect of the December figures is that December is usually a month of increased hiring, even during slow times, as retailers gear up for holiday sales, manufacturers put on additional workers to fill rush orders for inventory, and the restaurant and entertainment industries have higher sales.

Instead, December saw the biggest decline in retail sales since record keeping began in 1970, despite price-slashing sales of 50 to 70 percent off and buy-one-get-one-free offers. The International Council of Shopping Centers estimated that 148,000 retail stores shut down in 2008. It projected that another 73,100 retail stores will shut down in the first six months of 2009. The closures would result in the loss of 625,000 to 800,000 retail jobs. (Washington Post, Jan. 9)

‘Stimulus program’ smaller than a band-aid

Considering the catastrophic wave of unemployment, with at least 20 million jobless or severely underemployed right now, and the prospects for a massive increase in the coming period, all the speculation about whether the “stimulus package” will add 3 million or 3.5 million jobs over the next two years seems utterly inadequate.

The government figure of 11.1 million unemployed, or 7.2 percent, is based upon a workforce of 154 million. The more realistic “total unemployment” figure cited above of 13.4 percent equals 20.6 million, according to the government.

Furthermore, the stimulus package now being projected amounts to $775 billion. Of this, 40 percent is in tax cuts, which are not necessarily going to create jobs. And, worst of all, 90 percent of the spending is to go to private capitalists. So it is largely a handout to the capitalists in the hope that they will create enough jobs.

With all the talk about studying the New Deal, this program takes an opposite approach to that of the Roosevelt administration. While the New Deal was purely a band-aid, filled with limitations and flaws and calculated to save capitalism by preventing a mass uprising of the workers, the Works Progress Administration (WPA) nevertheless provided direct jobs to 8 million workers during the decade, or one-fifth of the workforce. At any given time, anywhere from 2 million to 3 million workers were employed by the government in these programs—the equivalent of 9 million to 10 million today.

The present plans for government spending set up a situation in which some 20 million unemployed workers will have to compete for 1 million to 1.5 million jobs in the coming year—assuming that the job creation projections are anywhere near correct. Such a situation in which workers are desperately seeking scarce jobs will tend to lower wages, set worker against worker and help the bosses.

The workers should of course take advantage of any opportunity to get new jobs created to help feed themselves and their families. But they must not sit back and let the economic “experts” in Washington and Wall Street dictate the terms of the economic package. They must get organized to impose their own economic demands on the capitalist government.

They could start by demanding that every nickel of the more than $1 trillion already given to the banks be taken back and made available for jobs and services to the workers and the communities. The banks are so arrogant that they won’t even tell the government what they are doing with this money.

From bailout to fightback

The struggle is in its early stages and the workers are on the defensive. It is natural that at this stage popular organizations want to take advantage of the term “bailout” to expose the handouts to the banks and the bosses. But, as the struggle progresses, the concept of the capitalist government bailing out the people has to be shifted to the concept of the workers fighting back.

The funds to stem the crisis have to be put under the supervision of the workers, the unions, community organizations and other mass organizations—and not the bosses. It is the masses who are suffering from the crisis. They should be empowered to deal with it.

Only the masses will enforce a living wage, job guarantees, union rights, anti-racist practices and rights for women workers. The capitalists are skilled and experienced at manipulating government subsidies that are supposed to go for creating jobs. Instead they turn things around to maximize their profits. Relying on profiteering capitalists—and there is no other kind!—to save the working class is the worst possible course to pursue.

There must be a movement toward creating organs of popular power at the local, regional and national level to stop the layoffs and defend the workers’ right to a job; to demand a guarantee of jobs or income; an end to foreclosures and evictions; to organize the unemployed and the employed into a united movement demanding jobs for all.

As the crisis unfolds, the question must be raised, what is the cause of the crisis? Paul Krugman, a liberal economist, cites the fact that the U.S. economy could create $30 trillion worth of goods and services in the next two years. That would be sufficient to vastly reduce unemployment.

Krugman, who recently won a Nobel Prize for economics, restricted his commentary to a criticism of Barack Obama’s economic program. He brushed by the fundamental question. He did not bother to ask why, when there is the economic capacity to employ all the workers, is unemployment going through the roof?

The answer is that while the U.S. economy can produce $30 trillion worth of goods and services, it is in the form of commodities that must be sold for profit and only for profit. Human need means nothing to capitalism.

It is not as if the masses of people do not need the $30 trillion worth of goods and services. In fact, right now they are being deprived of the very means of life by an economic storm artificially created by capitalism itself.

The masses have been impoverished for more than 30 years by union busting, wage and benefit cuts, massive destruction of jobs at living wages and their replacement by low-wage jobs. At the same time the corporations have vied with each other to capture markets and sell more and more—purely to make more profit. They fostered every kind of debt—credit card debt, mortgage debt, auto loan debt and so on—to keep the profits rolling in.

Finally the entire edifice has come crashing down in a crisis of capitalist overproduction. There are too many autos to sell at a profit. There are too many houses to sell at a profit. There is too much steel to sell at a profit. And so on. It has led to the wave of layoffs, foreclosures, evictions, hunger and homelessness.

As a system of exploitation for profit, capitalism itself is at the bottom of the crisis. As the workers and the oppressed awake to demand their rights, the ultimate aim must be the destruction of capitalism and the erection of a system run for human need, not for profit. That system is socialism.

Goldstein is the author of the recently published book “Low-Wage Capitalism: Colossus with Feet of Clay.” See lowwagecapitalism.com for information about the book and how to order it.

Labels: fred goldstein, jobs, layoffs, stimulus program, unemployment, wall street

By Fred Goldstein
Published Nov 20, 2008 10:38 PM

When Barack Obama first began his campaign back in 2006, he and his advisors and backers in the establishment had as a priority trying to deal with long-neglected aspects of U.S. capitalist society that were in decay and were endangering the world position of U.S. imperialism.

The festering issues of health care, global warming and energy, declining education, antiquated infrastructure, the global isolation of U.S. imperialism and many others were on the agenda for a future Obama administration, which was supposed to “reach across the aisle” and work out bipartisan solutions. But these were all policy issues, issues of capitalist decay arising during a period when bourgeois politics has been in a factional logjam, unable to resolve anything other than to hand the corporations whatever they asked for and attack the workers and the oppressed—during the Clinton as well as the Bush administrations.

Now, as Obama gets ready to take office, the policy issues he wanted to address all have to be subordinated to an acute systemic crisis that is global in scope and historical in proportion.

Some 1.2 million workers have lost their jobs so far this year. Unemployment has jumped from 6.1 percent to 6.5 percent and is projected to soon rise to over 7 percent. Consumer spending dropped a record 3 percent in October. Retailers are girding for the worst shopping season on record.

Citibank has just announced 10,000 new layoffs [two days after this speech, the number rose to 53,000—ed.]; Sun Microsystems has announced 6,000 new layoffs; Circuit City, the second-largest electronics retailer in the country, closed down 155 stores and is filing for bankruptcy; and the second-largest mall operator in the country, General Growth Properties, which operates 200 malls in 44 states, is on the verge of bankruptcy.

Intel, the largest microchip maker in the world, has suffered a major decline in revenue. Caterpillar, the largest construction equipment maker in the capitalist world, is planning for a downturn. GE, a giant multinational conglomerate, is planning to cut back investment and workers.

The auto industry is in crisis, with sales dropping and losses and layoffs rising. General Motors is hinting at bankruptcy in a public relations campaign to get a bailout from the Treasury—also a dangerous game of psychological warfare against the United Auto Workers, as the company is trying to set the stage to reopen contracts and get major concessions. GM recently announced it will end health care coverage for 100,000 white-collar retirees by the end of the year.

As the G-20 meet in Washington, the capitalist economies of Europe and Japan are in recession. This is the first time since World War II that the three major centers of imperialism—the U.S., Europe and Japan—have gone into recession within the same year. Japan, with the second-largest economy in the capitalist world, has had six consecutive months of contraction; Germany, the fourth-largest economy, has had six.

China, Brazil, Russia and India, the world’s most populous countries, have also had major declines in growth in the last quarter.

It is evident that there is a crisis of production and employment in the entire economic system.

The cause of the crisis can be reduced to two words: capitalist exploitation.

Why are all the toxic mortgages and other debt-backed securities going bad? Because they were based on collecting the future wages of the workers. Mortgage debt, credit card debt, school loan debt, auto loan debt, debt to pay medical bills, and all the other debts were bundled up and sold around the world. After 30 years of falling wages and a growing consumer credit system, the working class has become deeply indebted. African-American, Latin@, Asian and Native workers have suffered the most, especially single women.

Interest and fees on working-class debt have become a major source of profit for finance capital. The capitalist class, in its various forms as lenders, mortgage brokers, credit card companies, banks, auto finance companies and so on were taking advantage of the dire needs of workers in order to promote credit. These money grubbers turned around and resold the workers’ IOUs in bundles to make a quick profit.

Meanwhile, other sections of the capitalist class were intensifying the exploitation of workers on the job by busting unions, cutting wages and benefits, shortening hours, laying off and outsourcing to contract labor. The medical insurance industry, pharmaceuticals, hospitals, all raised costs to boost profits. Agribusiness and the oil barons raised the price of food and fuels, fueling inflation in the things workers need to live.

Sooner or later the whole debt structure had to collapse—and the cause was capitalist exploitation, i.e., the profit system.

The capitalist class has become more and more reliant upon debt as an artificial means of counteracting the growing problem of capitalist overproduction. As technology improves, the increased rate of exploitation and the worldwide wage competition drive wages down everywhere, making it harder for the capitalist system to generate a strong boom that can create jobs. This has become a long-term trend and signifies a new phase in the general crisis of capitalism.

Historically a capitalist recovery begins slowly as inventories are liquidated and then surges until there is another bust. Engels described the process of the classical capital bust-boom-bust cycle in his great work, “Socialism: Utopian and Scientific.”

His description still holds today, but with this modification. In the past several decades, the boom part of the cycle has become weaker and weaker. And it is this phase that creates a labor shortage, providing workers with jobs and putting them in a stronger position to bargain for higher wages.

The debt-fueled housing boom is an example of how U.S. capitalism has reached a stage of dependence upon debt to artificially stimulate the economy. The recovery from the last recession was a jobless recovery. From 2001 to 2004, after the dot-com collapse, profits were slowly recovering but jobs were still being lost. To pump up the economy and avoid a “double dip,” a lapse into a second recession, the Federal Reserve pumped billions of dollars of credit into the system by lowering borrowing costs for the banks. Much of the cheap money was used to finance the housing boom.

A housing boom is one of those areas, similar to auto, that ripples through the economy and multiplies jobs. It can help temporarily to push back a downturn. But the housing boom was all based on easy credit and speculation. It was bound to end. The price of housing went up. The supply went up. Soon there were more houses on the market than could be sold. A crisis of overproduction in housing ensued and the collapse followed, precipitating the credit crisis and the banking crisis that followed.

Without the housing boom, the economic crisis of overproduction might have come sooner.

If the present crisis were caused by financial manipulation alone, it could be cured by financial measures. But the Treasury under Secretary Henry Paulson and the Federal Reserve under Ben Bernanke have poured hundreds of billions into U.S. banks and are promising hundreds of billions more.

The German central bank has poured billions into their economy. The Bank of London has nationalized banks and also poured in hundreds of billions in bailout money. None of this has stopped the growing momentum of layoffs and short hours.

Why? Because this crisis is a crisis of overproduction. Bernanke can lower the interest rate to zero—Japan may do just that shortly. But even zero interest rates cannot produce lending if the workers are broke and there are no profits to be made in the marketplace. As they say on Wall Street, you can’t push a string.

Why would banks lend in an environment of economic crisis? It is not lack of funds or a matter of distrust that is keeping them from lending. Layoffs lead to lower spending which leads to lower profits and more layoffs. That is the classical capitalist cycle, but now it is gripping the entire capitalist world at once. There are no markets that are not shrinking. There is no haven in the world capitalist economy for investment and sales sufficient to pull them out of the crisis.

This is what globalization looks like in a period of contraction.

No one knows where this crisis is going. The Obama administration and the new regime of financial advisors may take measures to ease the foreclosure crisis and put some money into workers’ pockets. They may even try to create jobs building infrastructure. Of course, as a party, we support measures that will ease the suffering of the workers and the oppressed. But we also know that band-aids cannot overcome the contradictions of capitalism.

The beginning of a capitalist downturn hits the workers hard. The early phase of the struggle is defensive, to ward off the onslaught of layoffs and keep people in their homes. This was the course that the struggle took during the depression of the 1930s with the formation of the unemployed councils, and the move by working-class organizations to put hundreds of thousands of families back in their homes when they were evicted.

Our comrades in Detroit, Los Angeles, Boston and around the country are taking the initiative to begin those defensive struggles.

Later in the thirties came an offensive struggle with general strikes in San Francisco, Toledo and Minneapolis in 1934 and finally the great sit-down strikes of 1936 and 1937, which turned the tide in favor of the working class as a whole. We must be clear about what phase we are in, while retaining our revolutionary socialist perspective.

When the USSR and Eastern Europe collapsed, WWP chair Sam Marcy initiated a process of ideological rearmament—a study of Marxist and Leninist theory—in the anticipation that there would be a wholesale retreat from the revolutionary communist perspective.

From that period up until the onset of the present crisis, we have had to wage theoretical arguments to defend our position that the system of private property, in which a tiny group of millionaires and billionaires controls the means of life for billions of people around the globe, contains the seeds of crisis and disaster for the worldwide working class and the oppressed. With this current crisis, the question is no longer theoretical. The world capitalist crisis opens the door to struggle and to promoting socialism as the answer.

The workers need to own this vast, global system of production that they operate 24 hours a day and run society for human need and not for profit. This is the only way to abolish exploitation, racism, national oppression, sexism and patriarchy, oppression of LGBT people, imperialist war and intervention, and to tear down the walls of the prisons and their death houses.

Labels: bailout, capitalism, Caterpillar, Circuit City, Citibank, Citigroup, economic crisis, federal reserve, GE, Generlal Motors, layoffs, socialism, United Auto Workers, wall street

This is a must read book for those seeking answers to the current crisis in world capitalism. With the economic meltdown of 2008, the very future of the system of international finance capital has been thrown into question....

Goldstein, utilizing marxist economic analysis, has approached this crisis from the standpoint of those who are most seriously affected: the working class, the nationally oppressed and women. The author makes the case in very simple and straight forward language that the crisis is one of capitalist overproduction.

According to Goldstein: "This cycle dictates that, during periods of capitalist expansion, the powers of production increase ever more rapidly while the powers of consumption of society expand only gradually. Sooner or later production outstrips consumption. Profit does not arrive in corporate bank accounts until sales take place. If commodities cannot be sold at a profit, inventories pile up, production stops, workers are laid off, and a crisis ensues. That is the crude dynamic of the capitalist crisis of overproduction." (pp. xi-xii)....

Not only does Goldstein analyze the character of the modern-day capitalist crisis but he is bold enough to put forward a set of possible demands that can serve as a rallying point for a national and international fightback movement. Looking at the recent struggles that have taken place over the last three decades during the decline, he firmly believes that the present crisis can be reversed through a proactive approach by the working class and the oppressed. read the full review

Labels: Abayomi Azikiwe, capitalism, economic crisis, financial crisis, fred goldstein, low wage capitalism, socialism, wall street

Three-quarters of a million workers have already been laid off this year, bringing the official total of unemployed to over 9 million. Trillions of dollars in retirement funds have been wiped out in the stock market in the last few months. Over 10,000 households a day are being foreclosed, and evictions are rampant. Money for student loans has dried up. Credit card debt is at a record high. Unemployment is rising along with food, utility and gas prices. Production and sales are falling relentlessly. The forecast is for things to get worse—a lot worse.

All the most powerful financial officials and political leaders of the richest capitalist countries in the world have tried to stop the devastating advance of this economic storm. They have failed. The crisis feels like a force of nature. It brushes aside trillions of dollars in bailouts for the banks and keeps going. It is taking down everything in its path–homes, jobs and workers’ lives.

But this crisis is not a force of nature. It is the force of the capitalist system in crisis.

This crisis began when the housing bubble burst. Capitalist banks were lending money to profit-seeking real estate developers to build houses. The same banks were lending money to mortgage companies to make as many loans as they could. The goal was to boost profits.

Soon there were more houses than the workers and the middle class could buy. The prices of homes fell. Mortgages could not be refinanced. Workers could not pay the steep increases in interest rates built into their loans. Banks stopped lending. Millions of households went into foreclosure.

Put simply, people became homeless because there were too many houses! Not too many houses that were needed or already here, but too many houses that can be sold at a profit. Furthermore, the workers who build homes and all the workers who make the things that go into homes are losing their jobs because these homes can no longer be sold at a profit.

That is the essence of all the capitalist crises that have occurred since the first crisis in 1825. It is the crisis of overproduction.

The global financial meltdown was triggered by the bad mortgage debts sold around the world. But what turned those debts into bad debts, in the final analysis, was the overproduction of housing.

Now the crisis of overproduction is sweeping the auto industry. From the auto industry and the housing industry it is spreading throughout the economy. The stock markets are plummeting because the financial bailouts, the pumping of trillions of dollars into the banks, cannot stop the capitalist economic crisis.

Capitalism reinforces exploitation, inequality

Why is this inevitable? Under the capitalist system there is private ownership of the entire global means of production by a tiny group of millionaires and billionaires. Production goals are set inside each corporate empire in secret by the executives, who are their corporate agents. The goal is to amass maximum profits. But no company knows how much can really be sold at a profit.

On a corporate level production, is planned. On a society-wide level, production is socialized globally but completely unplanned. This is called the anarchy of production. This is what inevitably leads to overproduction.

The crisis is also inevitable under capitalism because the workers are an exploited class. The lower their wages are, the higher the bosses’ profits. Profits consist of unpaid labor. The bosses take the products, services and infrastructure created by the workers, sell them on the market, pay the workers as little as possible and keep the rest. Every capitalist tries to lower wages to gain higher profits.

The collective action of the capitalist class, aided by the state, has driven down the wages and living standards of the multinational working class in the last thirty years. Under the system of capitalist exploitation wealth flows to the top, and the level of inequality is obscene.

The top 1 percent of the U.S. population, the super-rich who have all the levers of power in society, owned 34.3 percent of the wealth in 2004. The bottom 90 percent owned 28.7 percent. The top 400 individuals owned $1.26 trillion in 2006, up from $470 billion in 1995.

Racism and national oppression play a major role in the distribution of wealth under capitalism. The African-American, Latin@, Asian and Native peoples had the least to begin with and will suffer the most under the blows of this crisis. For example, the median wealth (that is, savings and other assets) of households by race in 2004 was $140,700 for whites, $20,600 for African Americans and $18,600 for Latin@s. (See graphs.) This means that in this developing capitalist economic crisis the oppressed have almost nothing to fall back on to cushion the low wages, the layoffs and the foreclosures.

Oppression and economic discrimination also fall on women and lesbian, gay, bi and trans people under capitalism. Like racism, the bosses use sex and gender bias as a way to divide and conquer. The growing witch-hunt against undocumented workers has the same poisonous, divisive goal. How else could 1 percent of the population dominate the workers and oppressed other than by sowing division and disunity?

Class unity is the nightmare of the ruling class. As the present crisis engulfs wider and wider sections of the workers, the potential for bringing about that unity is growing stronger.

The drive for profit and exploitation here at home is the same drive behind war, occupation and intervention abroad. Trillions of dollars have been given to the military to protect corporate interests in the Middle East, Asia, Africa and Latin America. The Pentagon is nothing more than an enforcer for U.S. capitalism around the world–from the Persian Gulf to Southern Africa to the Pacific and the Caribbean. And as capitalism expands, it brings environmental destruction in its wake.

It is becoming clearer every day that capitalism as a system has got to go. A system in which people are homeless because there are too many homes must go. A system in which workers are losing their jobs and being plunged into poverty because they have produced too much wealth is a system that must be destroyed. A system which cannot provide jobs and education but imprisons 2.4 million people, the majority of them Black and Latin@, is bankrupt and does not deserve to continue another day.

If Cuba can do it, why not the U.S.

It must be replaced by a system where production takes place for human need, not for profit. The class that produces the wealth, the multinational working class, should own and distribute that wealth.

Trillions of dollars are now being used to bail out the banks and fund the Pentagon under capitalism. Under socialism, that money would guarantee that everyone would have a decent job and income, free health care, affordable housing, free education, low-cost transportation, healthy, reasonably priced food and much more. The well-being of the multinational working class would be the goal of society, not their exploitation as it is under capitalism.

If this sounds utopian, the fact is that socialist Cuba, poor as it is, with all its difficulties, has gone a long distance toward establishing these rights for the Cuban people. How is it possible that a country that was impoverished by centuries of Spanish and then U.S. colonial rule and that has lived for 50 years under a U.S. blockade, could guarantee more economic rights to its people than U.S. imperialism with its $11 trillion economy?

Why is it that the Cuban people have a longer life expectancy and lower infant mortality rate than oppressed people living in Harlem, Chicago’s South Side, Los Angeles or the barrios of this country? The answer is that Cuba abolished capitalism, destroyed the capitalist state in a revolutionary struggle and took the road toward socialism.

The present economic crisis is bringing increased suffering to the workers in the U.S. and is spreading around the capitalist world. It demonstrates clearly the need for a mobilized, militant, mass working-class fightback.

The bosses want to push the crisis of their system onto the backs of the workers and the oppressed. But the ultimate goal of the working class must be to turn their fight into a struggle to abolish capitalist private ownership of the tremendous wealth that the workers have created.

The end of private ownership of the means of production would mean a vast increase in the personal property and social property of the workers. Right now, private ownership is strangling humanity and destroying the planet.

The final goal must be to eliminate economic crises, exploitation, oppression and war once and for all. The only way to do that is to establish a socialist society—free from greedy bosses and inequality—here and worldwide.

---

Articles copyright 1995-2008 Workers World. Verbatim copying and distribution of this entire article is permitted in any medium without royalty provided this notice is preserved.

Labels: bailout, capitalism, socialism, wall street, workers

Following is an excerpt from the introduction to the forthcoming book “Low-Wage Capitalism” by Fred Goldstein to be published by World View Forum.

The Crisis within the Crisis

As the crisis mounts there will be finger pointing by politicians and pundits alike, meant to assuage the anger of the masses. Official opinion is blaming the situation on greed and on a failure of regulation. To be sure, the bankers on Wall Street are voracious and greedy. And it is obvious that the destruction of regulatory restraint on finance capital opened the door wide to an escalation of gambling and speculation—to the “casino” economy.

This deregulation began with the Reagan administration, passed a milestone in the Clinton administration with the repeal of the Depression-era Glass-Steagall Act, and continued in the current Bush administration. Alan Greenspan, former head of the Federal Reserve System, presided over much of this deregulation during his reign of 19 years, from 1987 to 2006.

But to say that deregulation is the cause of capitalist excesses is to put the cart before the horse. It is the irrepressible capitalist lust for profit itself that leads to excesses. These excesses, such as the wild speculation in stocks and land deals that led up to the market crash of 1929, led to New Deal-era regulations restricting the financiers—but only after the speculative horse was out of the barn and millions had been ruined.

The gradually accumulating need of capital to engage in speculation inevitably results in the destruction of regulatory restraint. The system itself creates excess money capital and drives it more and more toward financial speculation and investment in paper wealth that has no relationship to underlying value.

The fact is that the bankers and the rich in general have vastly increased their fortunes in the last three decades. Income inequality in the U.S. has become notorious around the world. For example, in 1976 the top 1 percent of households received 8.9 percent of total income. In 2005 the top 1 percent received 21.8 percent—the highest percentage of total household income since 1928, the year before the stock market crashed. (Inequality.org)

From 2000 to 2007 the wealthiest 400 individuals in the U.S. got a $670-billion increase in their wealth and owned $1.5 trillion. While the top 1 percent of households earn more than the bottom 50 percent, they own more than 90 percent of the wealth. (Figures from Sen. Bernie Sanders’ speech against the bailout.) These are truly staggering numbers and have profound implications for the profit system.

The working class produces all wealth, all value in society. The class struggle is really a struggle over which class will get a larger or smaller share in the social surplus created by labor. If the bosses get more, the workers get less, and vice versa. This is what makes class antagonisms irreconcilable.

Saying that there is growing income inequality in the U.S. is really a masked way of saying that there has been a broad redivision of the social surplus in favor of the capitalist class and to the detriment of the working class. The bosses and bankers have taken a larger and larger relative share and the working class has received a correspondingly smaller share.

However, the rate at which the owners of capital have accumulated this wealth exceeds the rate at which it can be reinvested profitably in productive capital. The scientific-technological revolution has made business more and more productive. The workers turn out more goods and services in less time with each new advance in technology.

Furthermore, the anarchy of production—that is, the unplanned and competitive nature of capitalist production—sends each capitalist grouping in search of greater and greater market share in pursuit of profit, to the point that they collectively produce a glut of commodities on the market and can no longer sell them at a profit. This is a fundamental feature of capitalism and cannot be eliminated.

And after the rich spend billions on yachts, jets, mansions, servants and every form of obscene luxury, they still have hundreds of billions in money capital left over. And, as Karl Marx showed, capital cannot rest, cannot remain idle. It seeks profit, and it seeks to maximize profit.

For example, the two largest industrial corporations in the U.S.—General Electric and General Motors—both have huge financial subdivisions. GE plows billions in profits into GE Capital, which invests tens of billions in loans all over the globe. GM’s financial arm is GMAC. (In 2008, to raise capital, it sold 51 percent of GMAC to Cerberus, a private equity firm.) While GM has downsized its production and forced a large part of its workforce to take buyouts, the company has expanded its lending. The same goes for Ford, Chrysler and other industrial giants. Instead of investing surplus capital in their own companies, they use it to make loans.

The collapse of the housing boom in August 2007, followed by turmoil in the capital markets, was only the latest in a series of capitalist crises.

During the Reagan administration, a severe recession in 1982 and 1983 sent unemployment above 11 percent. The capitalist class used the opportunity to begin the technological restructuring of industry, leading to millions of workers losing high-paying jobs. Reagan then stimulated the economy with $2 trillion in military spending, using Cold War propaganda to justify this huge handout to the military-industrial complex.

The economy expanded and the stock market boomed again—until it collapsed in October 1987 with record losses. Several trillion dollars of paper wealth were wiped out. An economic collapse was prevented only when Alan Greenspan, who was appointed head of the Federal Reserve in August 1987, poured tens of billions of dollars into the financial system to support the banks and the stock market on an emergency basis. This emergency rescue of the economy lasted only until 1991, when there was another recession.

However, the collapse of the USSR, also in 1991, stimulated a decade of capitalist expansion. Capital flooded into the former Soviet Union, Eastern Europe, India and other places. The upturn in economic output accelerated in the mid-1990s with the development of the Internet and related technologies. From 1995 to 2000, venture capitalists, who are really fronts for the big banks, poured billions of dollars in speculative capital into technology companies. New companies were being created on a daily basis. The stock market boomed, creating the so-called “dot-com” bubble—until the overproduction of technology led to another collapse, beginning in March 2000. From that time until October 2002, $5 trillion in paper wealth was wiped out and an economic downturn developed simultaneously.

In the 110 years since the Spanish-American war of conquest, imperialist capitalism has brought an endless cycle of wars, recessions, depressions and more wars. After each economic downturn, the system has had to resort to military expansion and financial manipulation to revive itself.

During the depression of the 1930s, Franklin D. Roosevelt tried to get the economy going with the Works Project Administration and by allowing workers’ wages to rise. But by 1937-1938, after a brief uptick, there was a second depression. Only preparations for World War II and conquest in the Pacific and Europe revived the U.S. economy.

Throughout the entire Cold War period, U.S. capitalism was dependent on military spending to keep its economy going. The growth of the military-industrial complex, with its web of prime contractors and tens of thousands of subcontractors thriving on Pentagon appropriations for war and for arms exports, was the principal means of keeping the capitalist economy from sinking into stagnation and depression.

This history illustrates that since the turn of the twentieth century, capitalism, in order to sustain itself, has had to resort to artificial measures that bring disaster in their wake, in the form of war, depression or both.

Oct. 3, 2008

Labels: bailout, capitalism, fred goldstein, racismo, stimulus program, wall street, war

Sept. 17—With the $85-billion government bailout of insurance giant AIG, the Federal Reserve Board and the Treasury Department have made another desperate attempt to shore up a collapsing global financial structure.

This latest attempt to rescue a huge capitalist financial firm comes on top of the $200-billion-plus bailout of the two largest mortgage banks in the world, Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac, just 10 days ago.

Secret deals stick workers with the bill

President of the Federal Reserve Bank of New York, Timothy Geithner and Treasury Secretary Henry Paulson have been huddled in round-the-clock meetings, hammering out deals. It has been done in secrecy, behind the backs of the workers and the middle class, who will get stuck with the bill. They have been working out these deals with the same loan sharks of high finance whose orgies of speculation, gambling and deception in pursuit of profit led to the crisis in the first place.

Wall Street’s speculative binge has led to a truly formidable world crisis.

Over the last three days, AIG, the largest insurance company in the world with a TRILLION dollars in assets, came within hours of bankruptcy.

Lehman Brothers, a prestigious, 158-year-old investment bank with $639 billion in assets and $613 billion in debts, went under in the largest bankruptcy in U.S. history.

Merrill Lynch, another pillar of investment banking with another TRILLION dollars in assets, averted bankruptcy only after being swallowed up by Bank of America.

Washington Mutual, the largest savings and loan in the U.S., had its bond rating reduced to junk and is on the ropes.

As the bankruptcy crisis was developing on Thursday, Sept. 11, Paulson told the bankers that the government was through stepping in and that they would have to solve the problem among themselves. That was last week. Now the U.S. government has put up another $85 billion to bail out the banks. It is a sign of crisis and weakness.

While the bailout of Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac had given relief to the holders of trillions of dollars of debt owed them by the two mortgage banks, it also put an enormous strain on the financial system and was another sign of profound weakness and fragility. Further bailouts were ruled out, the government said. It was drawing a “line in the sand.”

But Paulson’s and Geithner’s declarations made no impact on the bankers. They all pursued their own immediate interests and stonewalled their own government. In the end, while Washington let Lehman Brothers fail, AIG was another story. The Federal Reserve Board and the Treasury made a humiliating about-face and stepped in at the last minute, “fearing a financial crisis worldwide.” (New York Times, Sept. 17)

The Fed bailout of AIG is instructive about the depth of the crisis. AIG is not even a bank. It is not regulated by the federal government. The Fed had to use emergency powers to intervene, which it deemed necessary not only because AIG issues insurance policies to millions of individuals and commercial enterprises but because it also has insured over $400 billion in mortgage-backed securities and other risky investments of gamblers and speculators all over the globe.

AIG has borrowed money from many of the big banks and gambled its assets in order to make bigger profits. As the mortgages began to fail and the holders of the mortgage-backed securities began to demand their insurance payoffs, AIG’s financial position was deteriorating on a daily and hourly basis.

It is a measure of the system’s financial recklessness that an insurance company, which is supposed to be regulated to keep it conservative, precisely because it is the custodian of funds that must be available to meet the emergency needs of the insured, was free to participate in the global casino.

AIG operates in over 100 countries, has 116,000 employees—62,000 in Asia—and has private banking facilities for wealthy people. It brokers deals in stocks, manages mutual funds, owns 900 planes for its leasing business, and in general has leveraged its insurance business into a globalized, speculative operation.

Crisis of workers and oppressed is ignored

The crisis of the bankers has made sensational headlines, with hour-by-hour accounts of the agony of a handful of millionaires and billionaires on Wall Street. But the capitalist media has sidelined the real drama of mass foreclosures and layoffs affecting the lives of millions of workers.

Hundreds of billions of dollars have been doled out to bankers who got into a crisis largely because of predatory mortgage lending and the reselling of those mortgages on the global capital market. No relief has been forthcoming for the victims of the mortgage banking industry.

Little attention was paid to the news that in August there were 303,879 foreclosure filings—a 12-percent increase from the previous month and a 27-percent increase from a year ago. One in every 416 households in the U.S. received a foreclosure notice in August. In California alone there were 101,714 filings, up 40 percent from the previous month and 75 percent over a year ago.

While shedding tears over the travails of bankers, the capitalist press had no headlines about a recent study entitled “State of the Dream: Foreclosed,” which showed that the foreclosure crisis has resulted in the greatest destruction of personal wealth in history in the African-American and Latin@ communities.

According to the study, African-American borrowers have lost between $71 billion and $92 billion because of loans taken out over the last eight years. The figure for the Latin@ population, which is even higher than the African-American population, shows losses of between $75 billion and $98 billion.

Alongside the financial crisis is the growing crisis of the capitalist economy overall, as overproduction results in mounting unemployment. More than 84,000 workers lost their jobs in August, bringing the yearly total up to 605,000. More than 2 million people have been added to the jobless in the past 12 months, bringing the official total to 9.4 million out of work. Long-term unemployment is also rising.

Unemployment for Black workers reached 10.6 percent, mainly due to job losses among Black women. Unemployment among single mothers and youth is also growing. And these government figures do not include millions of discouraged workers who have given up looking for jobs.

In the midst of the credit crisis, it was announced that industrial production, the basis of jobs and income, fell in August by the most in three years. There was a 1.1 decrease in output in factories, mines and utilities. Auto production went down by 12 percent, the most in a decade.

One thing is clear from the present crisis: Neither the capitalist class, which owns all the productive wealth, nor the capitalist government, which oversees the system, is in control of the economic or the financial situation.

Each measure they take to stem the credit crisis is followed by another outbreak of panic. Each time the stock market surges, it quickly loses all its gains and more. And no matter how much the pundits declare that there is no recession, the steady growth of unemployment and the decline in production continues, regardless of any so-called “economic stimulus.”

Shift in ruling class psychology

The intervention of the capitalist government in the banking crisis has brought about a sudden shift in the psychology of the ruling class as they watch their system spinning out of control. After the capitalist system got over the crisis of the 1930s, the bosses in the U.S. began to forget why President Roosevelt had taken unprecedented measures to rescue the economy. They began to scorn any government intervention in their affairs.

Of course, they have always been ready to take handouts in many forms—subsidies, military spending, special legislation, tax cuts, etc. But they have felt themselves to be the high and mighty corporate rulers of the world.

Government intervention, they said, was for Europe and for social democrats. The European ruling classes had been rocked by the workers and by class struggle, division and war. Because the European rulers were weak and needed to be propped up by the capitalist governments, they had to submit to state monitoring of their affairs. Such a course, however, was strongly rejected by Wall Street and the giant industrialists.

This latest crisis is a huge comedown for U.S. finance capital, which is used to lecturing the other capitalist governments on the evils of government intervention. Suddenly, however, the bankers and bosses are all united, from the right wing to the moderates and liberals, in applauding the Treasury and the Federal Reserve Board for their “timely” intervention. They are submitting, grudgingly but clearly, to government oversight and monitoring in the interests of saving their system from collapse.

With this crisis, the structure of U.S. capitalism is entering a new stage. The capitalist government has begun, on a piecemeal basis at first but perhaps more systematically in the future, to absorb the liabilities and bad debts of the gambling and speculating financial oligarchy. This can only deepen the crisis in the long run by driving it deeper into the organism of U.S. capitalism.

This is bound to have not only economic but political repercussions around the world as rival imperialists see the vulnerability of the rulers in the U.S. It is bound to weaken U.S. imperialism and at the same time make it more dangerous as it seeks to get out of its crisis.

It is no accident that the Wall Street Journal on Sept. 16, in the midst of in-depth reporting on the financial crisis, ran an article entitled “Keeping Their Powder Dry: Draft Boards Hang On, Just in Case.” The Journal does not necessarily speak for the whole ruling class, nor for the Pentagon at the moment. But one reflex emerging in the midst of the crisis from some section of the ruling class is beginning to think about an expanded war drive as a solution.

With the “New World Order” stoking conflict with Russia in Georgia, invading Pakistan and escalating the war against Afghanistan, the possibility of a new military adventure should never be ruled out.

Capitalism’s basic contradiction

The Democrats want to blame things on Bush and call for more regulation. Of course the financiers have gotten the government to overturn most of the regulations, dating back to the Depression, putting restraints on their gambling operations. This deregulation started with the Reagan administration and reached a high point in the Clinton Administration. At the instigation of Citicorp and Robert Rubin, who left Goldman Sachs to become Secretary of the Treasury, the Glass-Steagall Act was repealed in 1998, under the sponsorship of now McCain economic adviser Phil Gramm. The law forbids commercial banks from becoming involved in investment banking, underwriting stocks and stock market operations, underwriting and other activities that facilitated widespread hyper-speculation of the type that preceded the Depression.

And of course the Bush administration undermined all attempts to inhibit the predatory mortgage lenders and gave a complete free hand to all manner of unregulated speculation in trillions of dollars worth of speculative gambling, which increased the overall risk in the global financial system. But, Democratic Party demagogy notwithstanding, the Bush administration is not the cause of the crisis.

Government intervention, stronger regulation of the monopolies and more “prudent” practices cannot overcome the fundamental contradiction of capitalism: private ownership of the globalized, social means of production.

It is an irreconcilable contradiction that a tiny minority control the production of the world’s wealth for their own profit. It is an irreconcilable contradiction that this global apparatus stops functioning when there is a crisis of profitability for the bosses. And such a crisis always arises, sooner or later, because of the anarchy of capitalist production.

No capitalist knows where what is produced can be sold. But in the rush for “market share” for the highest profit, each capitalist grouping is compelled to expand production.

Simultaneously, the laws of capitalism compel each capitalist to reduce the wages of the workers as much as possible. In the last three decades, the capitalist class has created a low-wage capitalist system that pits workers against each other on a global basis. This just aggravates and accelerates the contradiction of the profit system.

Under capitalism production is anarchic and eventually expands to a point where the workers cannot buy what has been produced at a price that will bring the bosses a profit. This anarchy of production is being reflected in the anarchy of the financial system in the present crisis.

In the present crisis, billionaires at the top of capitalist society may be losing part of their wealth, which really existed only on paper, but they are keeping their mansions, servants, limousines and Lear jets. It is the workers who are bearing the brunt of the economic crisis.

The only way out is the way of resistance—like the movement to stop foreclosures, which is gathering steam around the country.

---

Articles copyright 1995-2008 Workers World. Verbatim copying and distribution of this entire article is permitted in any medium without royalty provided this notice is preserved.

Labels: aig, bailout, Fannie Mae, federal reserve, foreclosures, Freddie Mac, Lehman Brothers, Merrill Lynch, Paulson, wall street, Washington Mutual