Handout to the rich ignites people’s anger

Fight for a workers’ program to save jobs, homes!

Published Oct 1, 2008 4:50 PM

Sept. 30—The political and financial establishment of U.S. capitalism has been stunned by the failure of its initial attempt to get Congress to pass a $700-billion handout to the banks.

Against a background of bank failures in the U.S. and Europe and appeals from the White House and the Treasury secretary, the House of Representatives on Sept. 29 defeated the bailout bill, 228 to 205. Following the vote, all three U.S. stock markets had historic drops, global stock markets initially plunged, and credit markets tightened up as fear struck Wall Street.

The vote was a defeat for a triple alliance: the bankers, represented by Secretary of the Treasury Henry Paulson and Federal Reserve Chair Ben Bernanke; the Bush administration; and the Democratic Party leadership. They all had labored mightily to sell the bailout.

It is highly likely that another round of political pressure from above will lead to the banks getting their way in the long run. Already the new line coming from the corporate media is to threaten workers that there will be no paychecks unless some version of the bill is passed. But with e-mails and phone calls to politicians running against the bill by 100 and 200 to 1 before the vote, the political pressure from below has for the moment overcome Paulson, Bernanke and company.

Capitalism’s faithful parties gripped by fear

The growing economic crisis produced a political crisis in the two faithful parties of capitalism. On the one hand, the Democratic Party leadership was unable to force some 40 percent of its members to sign on to this gigantic giveaway to billionaires this time around, especially in the face of mounting foreclosures and layoffs. It was particularly noticeable that a majority of the Congressional Black Caucus and Congressional Hispanic Caucus refused to sign on.

On the other hand, the Republican right wing tried to pose as advocates for the people, spouting hypocritical demagogy against “big government” and greedy bankers. But in actuality, their proposals were to further deregulate the banking industry to allow hedge fund gamblers and private equity billionaires to enter the bailout racket.

Of course, the right-wing opposition to “big government” does not extend to the growth of the Pentagon and its trillion-dollar war in Iraq, the growth of the repressive apparatus of Homeland Security to persecute immigrants and undocumented workers, the growth of the FBI, the CIA and so on. These ideologues are only against government intervention that might put restraints on the unbridled profit-seeking activity of big business.

It is hard to tell whether these right-wingers voted “no” out of concerns of ideology or pragmatic protection of their seats in the House or both. Whatever their motives, their political rhetoric against “big government,” which used to be applauded on Wall Street, has suddenly been made obsolete by the present crisis.

The once high-and-mighty tycoons of Wall Street used to get their assistance quietly, behind the scenes, from the Federal Reserve. In the present crisis they suddenly find themselves in desperate need of openly and directly getting their hands on the entire U.S. Treasury. The bankers behind the present crisis now need to rid themselves of trillions of dollars in toxic debts that they acquired by swindling the workers and then swindling the rest of the world into buying these bad mortgages. The “no big government” right-wingers, once praised by Wall Street, are completely out of sync with the needs of their masters in the present crisis.

Whatever the ultimate fate of the bailout bill, two important things stand out. First, the working class, the oppressed, everyone who is suffering foreclosure, job layoffs, lack of health care and other hardships, must formulate their own program of demands to solve their problems. And second, the people must wage an independent struggle to fight for these demands.

What the bailout bill says

One look at the wording of the bailout bill tells why. The Democratic Party leadership tried to wrap the bill in appealing language about aid to homeowners, accountability, oversight, etc. But this is mainly deception to provide a political cover to shield the politicians in the event of an outright rebellion.

In the matter of stopping foreclosures, the bill calls on the secretary of the Treasury “to encourage the servicers of the underlying mortgages ... to take advantage” of various programs to “minimize foreclosures.” In other words, foreclosure protection is completely voluntary and depends entirely on the will of the mortgage holder.

As for the authority of Paulson to run the show, the bill states that “The Secretary is authorized to ... purchase, and to make and fund commitments to purchase, troubled assets from any financial institution, on such terms and conditions as are deemed necessary by the Secretary, and in accordance with ... the policies and procedures developed and published by the Secretary.”

Paulson was the former CEO at Goldman Sachs investment bank. He is the point man for the biggest bankers. This bill would give him the sole authority to deal not only with mortgage debt, but also with “any other financial instrument that the Secretary, after consultation with the Chairman of the Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve System, determines the purchase of which is necessary to promote financial market stability.” In other words, Paulson can buy worthless credit card debt, student loan debt, auto loan debt, or any other type of debt from any financial institution that he pleases.

But the Treasury will be under no obligation whatsoever to give debt assistance to anyone but the banks.

As for oversight, not one elected official would be involved. The oversight board would consist of the chair of the Board of Governors; Paulson himself as secretary of the Treasury; the director of the Federal Home Finance Agency, created last July by Paulson; the chair of the Securities and Exchange Commission; and the secretary of Housing and Urban Development.

This is equivalent to asking the robbers to guard the vault.

The important point about this is that the Democratic Party leadership was touting this as the new, improved version of the bailout bill. But homeowners, indebted workers, students overburdened by loans, families laboring under debt incurred because of illness, job loss, or any of a hundred reasons for workers to go into debt under low-wage capitalism, wind up with nothing.

The bill was originally three pages long and gave total authority to Paulson. After days of negotiation it grew to 100 pages long and still gave authority to Paulson and his oversight committee of powerful financial officials.

Workers need their own demands

Thus it is vital for the workers to have a clear and unambiguous program of demands that meet their own needs and put the burden on the bankers and the rich to pay. There is a growing movement across the country to demand a moratorium on home foreclosures and evictions. Foreclosures are at present paramount. However, even with 10,000 people a day facing the loss of their homes, the crisis of the people goes much wider.

As the unemployment rate rises, it is urgent to demand a freeze on all workplace closings and job layoffs and an extension of unemployment benefits. There must be a freeze on utility cutoffs and a rollback in gas, food and utility prices. Workers’ pensions and savings must be protected. Working and poor people need a general cancellation of their debts and an end to repossessions and wage garnisheeing.

As the crisis of the states and cities grows, there must be a moratorium to stop cuts in the budgets of social programs. Affordable, quality health care, housing and education should be a right.

It is the workers and oppressed, the youth and the elderly who need the trillion dollars that the government wants to hand over to the bankers. The Federal Deposit Insurance Corp., which is supposed to insure individual deposits up to $100,000, just took on $40 billion in debt from Wachovia Bank. This $40 billion was the price the government paid to have Citigroup take over Wachovia and keep it from falling into bankruptcy.

That $40 billion, plus a good part of the $700 billion that the government wants to dole out to the banks, could be used to help homeowners facing foreclosure.

From a strictly capitalist point of view, aid to homeowners would transform bad debts into debts that are payable. It would actually ease the financial crisis of the system. Furthermore, by keeping people in their homes, it would keep their homes off the market and ease the glut of unsold properties.

But the bankers would rather get handouts from the government and proceed with foreclosures. They don’t want to set a precedent of granting relief to homeowners, because that could lead to an avalanche of popular demands for all kinds of relief.

It is futile to rely upon the capitalist government or the big business parties to voluntarily give assistance to the multinational working class on a scale that would make a genuine difference in the lives of the millions suffering foreclosures, layoffs and other hardships. The only way that real, profound change takes place is as a result of struggle.

No bailout is going to stop the crisis of overproduction that is overtaking capitalism today. It underlies the financial panic that is roiling not only the U.S. but Europe, Asia and the rest of the world. What Paulson and Bernanke have in mind is to slow down and manage the crisis. They want to avoid a sudden collapse, a social shock that would not only cause a sharp drop in the profits of the corporations and banks but could set off an upsurge of the mass struggle. The goal of Washington and Wall Street is to engineer a so-called “soft landing.”

But whether the economic crisis develops gradually or suddenly accelerates, the ruling class will try to shift all the suffering onto the workers. The greater the crisis of the ruling class and the rich, the more they will try to push it onto the people. The series of government bailouts is a prime example.

They began with $29 billion for JPMorgan Chase to acquire the bankrupt Bear Stearns investment bank.

Then came $200 billion more for the Freddie Mac and Fannie Mae mortgage banks.

Then came $85 billion for AIG, the insurance giant.

With the crisis spreading, the bosses now want a giveaway of $700 billion to all the banks. And that may not be enough.

They admit to at least $4 trillion in bad mortgage debts—and there’s probably more, because the bankers hide everything from each other and from the government. With each escalation of their crisis, they pile more debt upon the working class and the middle class.

Bailout of capitalism

In truth, the bailout of the banks is really a bailout of capitalism. The banks are the heart and soul of capitalism. They have engaged in an orgy of speculation for a decade. They inflated values in the stock market and flooded the world markets with worthless mortgage-backed securities. They created a mountain of fictitious capital that far outstripped the underlying real value, all of which must be created by workers working. Now that false value is beginning to collapse.

This is not capitalism “gone wrong.”

It is the fullest expression of what capitalism really is. Panics and crashes have happened throughout the history of capitalism, but now, in the age of globalization and high technology, they have reached new heights.

This system is based on profit. Profit is the be-all and end-all of capitalism. The engine of the entire system is production for profit. Getting the most profits is the aim of every capitalist, from the sweatshop owner to the largest transnational corporation.

Speculation and gambling for instant profits grows naturally out of the system. It is not an aberration or an abnormality.

The bankers who swindled the workers with subprime, deceptive, lying mortgages and then sold these mortgages off to other capitalists, gaining fees and high profits along the way, were doing what the ruling class does all the time, at every opportunity.

The starting point of capitalist exploitation and profit is money. Without money, no capitalist can hire workers or buy raw materials or inventory to set the process of exploitation and profit making into motion.

The bankers are in control of all the money in society. They sit on the boards of the corporations. They advise them and finance their loans. They sell corporate stocks and bonds on the market. The owners of productive capital and the parasitic financiers are completely intertwined with one another.

Human need is not part of their calculation. The fact that people need housing, food, jobs, education and health care means nothing to them if they cannot profit from it.

The bankers who are throwing people out of their homes are interlinked with the corporations that are laying workers off. They are tied to the utilities that are shutting people’s heat off in the winter, to the supermarket chains and agribusiness corporations that are raising food prices, and to the oil companies behind the invasion of Iraq and the high cost of gasoline.

Behind the problem of bankers’ bailouts, foreclosures and layoffs is the capitalist profit system itself.

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Oct 1, 2008

Profit system wreaks havoc:CAPITALIST MELTDOWN

Workers, oppressed to pay billions to bail out Wall Street

Published Sep 17, 2008 10:49 PM

Sept. 17—With the $85-billion government bailout of insurance giant AIG, the Federal Reserve Board and the Treasury Department have made another desperate attempt to shore up a collapsing global financial structure.

This latest attempt to rescue a huge capitalist financial firm comes on top of the $200-billion-plus bailout of the two largest mortgage banks in the world, Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac, just 10 days ago.

Secret deals stick workers with the bill

President of the Federal Reserve Bank of New York, Timothy Geithner and Treasury Secretary Henry Paulson have been huddled in round-the-clock meetings, hammering out deals. It has been done in secrecy, behind the backs of the workers and the middle class, who will get stuck with the bill. They have been working out these deals with the same loan sharks of high finance whose orgies of speculation, gambling and deception in pursuit of profit led to the crisis in the first place.

Wall Street’s speculative binge has led to a truly formidable world crisis.

Over the last three days, AIG, the largest insurance company in the world with a TRILLION dollars in assets, came within hours of bankruptcy.

Lehman Brothers, a prestigious, 158-year-old investment bank with $639 billion in assets and $613 billion in debts, went under in the largest bankruptcy in U.S. history.

Merrill Lynch, another pillar of investment banking with another TRILLION dollars in assets, averted bankruptcy only after being swallowed up by Bank of America.

Washington Mutual, the largest savings and loan in the U.S., had its bond rating reduced to junk and is on the ropes.

As the bankruptcy crisis was developing on Thursday, Sept. 11, Paulson told the bankers that the government was through stepping in and that they would have to solve the problem among themselves. That was last week. Now the U.S. government has put up another $85 billion to bail out the banks. It is a sign of crisis and weakness.

While the bailout of Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac had given relief to the holders of trillions of dollars of debt owed them by the two mortgage banks, it also put an enormous strain on the financial system and was another sign of profound weakness and fragility. Further bailouts were ruled out, the government said. It was drawing a “line in the sand.”

But Paulson’s and Geithner’s declarations made no impact on the bankers. They all pursued their own immediate interests and stonewalled their own government. In the end, while Washington let Lehman Brothers fail, AIG was another story. The Federal Reserve Board and the Treasury made a humiliating about-face and stepped in at the last minute, “fearing a financial crisis worldwide.” (New York Times, Sept. 17)

The Fed bailout of AIG is instructive about the depth of the crisis. AIG is not even a bank. It is not regulated by the federal government. The Fed had to use emergency powers to intervene, which it deemed necessary not only because AIG issues insurance policies to millions of individuals and commercial enterprises but because it also has insured over $400 billion in mortgage-backed securities and other risky investments of gamblers and speculators all over the globe.

AIG has borrowed money from many of the big banks and gambled its assets in order to make bigger profits. As the mortgages began to fail and the holders of the mortgage-backed securities began to demand their insurance payoffs, AIG’s financial position was deteriorating on a daily and hourly basis.

It is a measure of the system’s financial recklessness that an insurance company, which is supposed to be regulated to keep it conservative, precisely because it is the custodian of funds that must be available to meet the emergency needs of the insured, was free to participate in the global casino.

AIG operates in over 100 countries, has 116,000 employees—62,000 in Asia—and has private banking facilities for wealthy people. It brokers deals in stocks, manages mutual funds, owns 900 planes for its leasing business, and in general has leveraged its insurance business into a globalized, speculative operation.

Crisis of workers and oppressed is ignored

The crisis of the bankers has made sensational headlines, with hour-by-hour accounts of the agony of a handful of millionaires and billionaires on Wall Street. But the capitalist media has sidelined the real drama of mass foreclosures and layoffs affecting the lives of millions of workers.

Hundreds of billions of dollars have been doled out to bankers who got into a crisis largely because of predatory mortgage lending and the reselling of those mortgages on the global capital market. No relief has been forthcoming for the victims of the mortgage banking industry.

Little attention was paid to the news that in August there were 303,879 foreclosure filings—a 12-percent increase from the previous month and a 27-percent increase from a year ago. One in every 416 households in the U.S. received a foreclosure notice in August. In California alone there were 101,714 filings, up 40 percent from the previous month and 75 percent over a year ago.

While shedding tears over the travails of bankers, the capitalist press had no headlines about a recent study entitled “State of the Dream: Foreclosed,” which showed that the foreclosure crisis has resulted in the greatest destruction of personal wealth in history in the African-American and Latin@ communities.

According to the study, African-American borrowers have lost between $71 billion and $92 billion because of loans taken out over the last eight years. The figure for the Latin@ population, which is even higher than the African-American population, shows losses of between $75 billion and $98 billion.

Alongside the financial crisis is the growing crisis of the capitalist economy overall, as overproduction results in mounting unemployment. More than 84,000 workers lost their jobs in August, bringing the yearly total up to 605,000. More than 2 million people have been added to the jobless in the past 12 months, bringing the official total to 9.4 million out of work. Long-term unemployment is also rising.

Unemployment for Black workers reached 10.6 percent, mainly due to job losses among Black women. Unemployment among single mothers and youth is also growing. And these government figures do not include millions of discouraged workers who have given up looking for jobs.

In the midst of the credit crisis, it was announced that industrial production, the basis of jobs and income, fell in August by the most in three years. There was a 1.1 decrease in output in factories, mines and utilities. Auto production went down by 12 percent, the most in a decade.

One thing is clear from the present crisis: Neither the capitalist class, which owns all the productive wealth, nor the capitalist government, which oversees the system, is in control of the economic or the financial situation.

Each measure they take to stem the credit crisis is followed by another outbreak of panic. Each time the stock market surges, it quickly loses all its gains and more. And no matter how much the pundits declare that there is no recession, the steady growth of unemployment and the decline in production continues, regardless of any so-called “economic stimulus.”

Shift in ruling class psychology

The intervention of the capitalist government in the banking crisis has brought about a sudden shift in the psychology of the ruling class as they watch their system spinning out of control. After the capitalist system got over the crisis of the 1930s, the bosses in the U.S. began to forget why President Roosevelt had taken unprecedented measures to rescue the economy. They began to scorn any government intervention in their affairs.

Of course, they have always been ready to take handouts in many forms—subsidies, military spending, special legislation, tax cuts, etc. But they have felt themselves to be the high and mighty corporate rulers of the world.

Government intervention, they said, was for Europe and for social democrats. The European ruling classes had been rocked by the workers and by class struggle, division and war. Because the European rulers were weak and needed to be propped up by the capitalist governments, they had to submit to state monitoring of their affairs. Such a course, however, was strongly rejected by Wall Street and the giant industrialists.

This latest crisis is a huge comedown for U.S. finance capital, which is used to lecturing the other capitalist governments on the evils of government intervention. Suddenly, however, the bankers and bosses are all united, from the right wing to the moderates and liberals, in applauding the Treasury and the Federal Reserve Board for their “timely” intervention. They are submitting, grudgingly but clearly, to government oversight and monitoring in the interests of saving their system from collapse.

With this crisis, the structure of U.S. capitalism is entering a new stage. The capitalist government has begun, on a piecemeal basis at first but perhaps more systematically in the future, to absorb the liabilities and bad debts of the gambling and speculating financial oligarchy. This can only deepen the crisis in the long run by driving it deeper into the organism of U.S. capitalism.

This is bound to have not only economic but political repercussions around the world as rival imperialists see the vulnerability of the rulers in the U.S. It is bound to weaken U.S. imperialism and at the same time make it more dangerous as it seeks to get out of its crisis.

It is no accident that the Wall Street Journal on Sept. 16, in the midst of in-depth reporting on the financial crisis, ran an article entitled “Keeping Their Powder Dry: Draft Boards Hang On, Just in Case.” The Journal does not necessarily speak for the whole ruling class, nor for the Pentagon at the moment. But one reflex emerging in the midst of the crisis from some section of the ruling class is beginning to think about an expanded war drive as a solution.

With the “New World Order” stoking conflict with Russia in Georgia, invading Pakistan and escalating the war against Afghanistan, the possibility of a new military adventure should never be ruled out.

Capitalism’s basic contradiction

The Democrats want to blame things on Bush and call for more regulation. Of course the financiers have gotten the government to overturn most of the regulations, dating back to the Depression, putting restraints on their gambling operations. This deregulation started with the Reagan administration and reached a high point in the Clinton Administration. At the instigation of Citicorp and Robert Rubin, who left Goldman Sachs to become Secretary of the Treasury, the Glass-Steagall Act was repealed in 1998, under the sponsorship of now McCain economic adviser Phil Gramm. The law forbids commercial banks from becoming involved in investment banking, underwriting stocks and stock market operations, underwriting and other activities that facilitated widespread hyper-speculation of the type that preceded the Depression.

And of course the Bush administration undermined all attempts to inhibit the predatory mortgage lenders and gave a complete free hand to all manner of unregulated speculation in trillions of dollars worth of speculative gambling, which increased the overall risk in the global financial system. But, Democratic Party demagogy notwithstanding, the Bush administration is not the cause of the crisis.

Government intervention, stronger regulation of the monopolies and more “prudent” practices cannot overcome the fundamental contradiction of capitalism: private ownership of the globalized, social means of production.

It is an irreconcilable contradiction that a tiny minority control the production of the world’s wealth for their own profit. It is an irreconcilable contradiction that this global apparatus stops functioning when there is a crisis of profitability for the bosses. And such a crisis always arises, sooner or later, because of the anarchy of capitalist production.

No capitalist knows where what is produced can be sold. But in the rush for “market share” for the highest profit, each capitalist grouping is compelled to expand production.

Simultaneously, the laws of capitalism compel each capitalist to reduce the wages of the workers as much as possible. In the last three decades, the capitalist class has created a low-wage capitalist system that pits workers against each other on a global basis. This just aggravates and accelerates the contradiction of the profit system.

Under capitalism production is anarchic and eventually expands to a point where the workers cannot buy what has been produced at a price that will bring the bosses a profit. This anarchy of production is being reflected in the anarchy of the financial system in the present crisis.

In the present crisis, billionaires at the top of capitalist society may be losing part of their wealth, which really existed only on paper, but they are keeping their mansions, servants, limousines and Lear jets. It is the workers who are bearing the brunt of the economic crisis.

The only way out is the way of resistance—like the movement to stop foreclosures, which is gathering steam around the country.


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Sep 16, 2008